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Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

'Colonial mentality' still haunts Hong Kong

By Qi Pengfei (China Daily) Updated: 2015-06-26 08:34

'Colonial mentality' still haunts Hong Kong

Lawmakers supporting a Beijing-backed electoral reform, meet journalists after a voting at Legislative Council in Hong Kong, China June 18, 2015. Hong Kong's legislature on Thursday vetoed a China-vetted electoral reform package that had been criticized by opposition pro-democracy lawmakers and activists as flawed and undemocratic. [Photo/Agencies]

The opposition "pan-democracy" camp vetoed the Hong Kong Special Administration Region government's universal suffrage plan for the 2017 chief executive's election on June 18, and thus halted the five-step constitutional reform at the third stage and made it very difficult for the SAR government to restart the reform all over again.

Since its reunification with the motherland in 1997 the Hong Kong CE has been chosen through indirect election. Thanks to the constitutional reform and democratic progress centered on "double universal suffrage", the CE was to be elected through universal suffrage in 2017, but the "pan-democracy" camp has dealt a severe blow to the plan.

This is not the first time that Hong Kong's constitutional reform has been interrupted, and the vehement opposition camp and overseas anti-China forces are to blame for that. Quite a few Hong Kong residents haven't fully understood the significance of the city's transition from a British colony to a part of the People's Republic of China or the change in their identity from "second-class British subjects" to PRC citizens. They haven't understood the basic national policy of "One Country, Two Systems" and Hong Kong's Basic Law either.

Such suspicion toward, and resistance and opposition to "everything related to the central government and the HKSAR government", and the contentious politics of the aggressive "pan-democracy" camp are reflected in the closet environment created by the one-sided public opinion.

After Hong Kong's reunification with the motherland, some residents have become more politicized, ideology-obsessed and confrontational. This disturbing development and the vetoing of the 2017 universal suffrage plan for the CE election show that the SAR society is not yet mature enough to fully embrace democratic politics.

To promote universal suffrage in Hong Kong, therefore, the authorities should first complete the historic task of "decolonizing" the SAR society and help its residents develop a sense of belonging. It is also important to make people from all walks of life in Hong Kong understand the true meaning of the national policy of "One Country, Two Systems", the Basic Law, the relationship between the central government and SAR government, the central government's overall jurisdiction and the SAR's legal status. Without doing this, it will be impossible to end the political disputes, confrontations and social unrest, and promote "double universal suffrage" in Hong Kong.

The vetoing of the universal suffrage plan for the 2017 CE election, however, doesn't mean the central government will change its policies toward Hong Kong. In fact, the central government has made clear its "three no change" policies: it will continue to steadfastly implement the principles of "One Country, Two Systems", "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong" and a high degree of autonomy for Hong Kong; it will continue supporting the Hong Kong CE and government rulings according to the law; and it will continue encouraging Hong Kong to make democratic progress step by step and eventually achieve universal suffrage.

Until 1997, people in Hong Kong had few rights to participate in politics and democratic elections because they had no bona fide identity as citizens. After the reunification, Hong Kong drew its inspiration for the constitutional reform and democratic process from the "three no change" national policies, which were made possible by the Basic Law and the central government's promotion and authorization based on law.

Hong Kong established the Legislative Council and elected a CE after its reunification with the motherland. Also, the Basic Law empowered the SAR government to carry out democratic elections and achieve the long-term goal of "double universal suffrage".

On Aug 31, 2014, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress issued a timetable and road map for the universal suffrage plan for the Hong Kong CE election in 2017. The document not only allows Hong Kong's 5 million voters to exercise the right of "one person, one vote" in the 2017 CE election. It is also a milestone in the SAR's constitutional reform and democratic process based on the Basic Law and relevant decisions and interpretations of the NPC Standing Committee.

A white paper, titled "The Practice of the 'One Country, Two Systems' Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region", issued last June says: "As a groundbreaking initiative, the "One Country, Two Systems" is a major issue of governance to the central leadership, and marks a major historical turning point for Hong Kong and Hong Kong people. While comprehensive progress has been made on all fronts in the HKSAR, the practice of "One Country, Two Systems" has come to face new circumstances and new problems. Some people in Hong Kong have yet felt comfortable with the changes. Still some are confused or lopsided in their understanding of "One Country, Two Systems" and the Basic Law. Many wrong views currently rife in Hong Kong concerning its economy, society and development of its political structure are attributable to this."

I fully agree with this analysis. Hence, "new Hong Kong residents" should abandon the old "colonial mentality" and embrace the new era as the master of Hong Kong. Hong Kong residents should be responsible for the country as well as Hong Kong society. They should actively build their new society, focus on economic development, help improve people's livelihood, gradually propel democracy and promote harmony.

The author is the director of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao Research Center, Renmin University of China.

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