An invisible wall

When it comes to ascertaining what a growing Chinese presence means to the rest of the world, a cool head matters

When Beijing found itself "unprecedentedly near the center of the world stage" a few years ago, few foresaw the headwinds brewing ahead.

Fewer still anticipated that what to Beijing are its contributions as "a responsible major country" are to some others moves to overthrow the rules-based world order.

The Chinese-proposed Belt and Road Initiative, which aims to boost economic and trade ties via infrastructure connectivity, is in some eyes a "debt trap" for poor nations.

With Italy and Switzerland now officially onboard, 16 central and eastern European nations signing up, and Greek participation turning the"16+1""17+1", the latest fear mongering is it may be a "Trojan Horse" dividing Europe.

Likewise, Confucius Institutes, whose foremost function is language teaching, are labeled vehicles of Chinese government infiltration.

Chinese tech firms, first ZTE, now Huawei, are pursued across borders on "security" grounds.

US State Secretary Mike Pompeo even urged Europeans to make a choice between Huawei and his country.

Putting one single Chinese company side by side with the United States as a country is no doubt hyperbolic. No wonder Huawei founder Ren Zhengfei said America is doing unsolicited marketing for his company.

But who cares. Berlin, for one, got Washington's warning that admitting Huawei into its 5G network risks ruining intelligence sharing with Washington.

Germany is not alone in finding itself in such a dilemma - on the one hand, there is the technically ready, cost-effective 5G technologies Huawei offers; on the other is the expensive, foot-dragging Western alternatives, plus the consequences of disobeying Washington.

But the US rules. Even it feels insecure.

When the sole superpower feels butterflies in its stomach, the good old days are over for the perceived challenger. Which this time happens to be China.

With Beijing now effectively in a sinner's role, everything it does is perceived as problematic.

Belt and Road projects, Confucius Institutes, Huawei and their like must observe local laws wherever they operate, just as we expect the same of foreign firms and NGOs in China.

Meantime, like any local peer, until they are proven guilty, they, too, deserve the benefit of the doubt.

Huawei and other faces of overseas Chinese presence, however, seem to be treated the other way round.

Grown out of fears and prejudices, assumption of guilt sinks people deeper in fears and prejudices. Particularly as matters are seen through an ideological prism.

Outside of that vicious circle, when people liberate themselves from irrational fears and prejudices, however, things can be utterly different.

The University of Coimbra knows this.

As the oldest institution of higher learning in the Portuguese-speaking world, Coimbra has a proud history of dealing with China.

"It is impossible to find another place in Portugal that is closer to China than Coimbra", said then university president Jo?o Gabriel Silva, whose term of office ended some weeks ago.

Several western missionaries that played influential roles in introducing modern western science to Ming and Qing Dynasty China in the 16-17th centuries studied at Coimbra. They included Belchior Nunes Barreto, the first Jesuit to perform missionary work in China in 1555, as well as Matteo Ricci and Thomas Pereira.

An oft-cited evidence of Coimbra's China connection is the 12-kilogram natural magnet Emperor Kangxi presented to King Jo?o V, on display both in the university museum and on a school-issued postcard.

"In the 200 years after the Portuguese arrived, China relied on the Portuguese for contacts with the West", said president Silva.

Having dealt with the Chinese for centuries, the Portuguese are confident they know China better than other European nations, and are keen on reassuming the role of a bridge between China and Europe.

"Coimbra has close ties with Macao," Silva said. "Since Macao's return to China in 1999, we have become a bridge connecting China, Europe, and the Portuguese-speaking world".

"We're not the most advanced country, but we have the most advanced ideas."

They surely do when it comes to appreciating the positive potentials of Chinese presence.

Coimbra and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences agreed to jointly establish a Center of China Studies in 2018.

Now a historical building beside its ancient main quad has been renovated and remodeled for the new institution.

President Silva was especially fond of their school's Confucius Institute: "While teaching Chinese language and culture, ours is also teaching traditional Chinese medicine".

What is special about Coimbra's Confucius Institute is that both its Chinese and Portuguese directors are Chinese.

In order to facilitate smooth operation of Confucius Institutes, the standard practice is having two directors for each of them, one appointed by the resident institution, the other by the Chinese side.

At Coimbra, however, the school appointed Chinese citizen Cristina Zhou, a locally trained PhD, the Portuguese director. Huang Zaiwei, the Chinese director, is an expert acupuncturist dispatched by Zhejiang Chinese Medical University in Hangzhou.

The only explanation for such arrangement was trust. Which I felt, throughout my short visit.

And the institute is apparently worth it.

Besides regular Chinese-language and culture courses, it has opened a credit course on Chinese medicine, which is popular among students of the university's medical school. On and off campus, the energetic Huang is working tirelessly to promote understanding of traditional Chinese medicine.

Building bridges between peoples

On a recent trip to Croatia, from the coastal city Dubrovnik to the national capital Zagreb, I kept hearing references to the Peljesac Bridge.

The bridge, according to then Chinese ambassador Hu Zhaoming, is to be the biggest Chinese-built project on Croatian soil.

Currently people traveling from most parts of Croatia to its Peljesac Peninsula have to cross part of neighboring Bosnia and Herzegovina through four checkpoints. Such hassles will be a thing of the past once the bridge is built.

"Local people are so thirsty for the bridge that the nearby town of Konavle has even put the model of the bridge in their church," said Hu.

"The bridge surely is a big deal, for us all," said Romana Vlasic, director of the Dubrovnik Tourist Board, adding its anticipated completion in 2021 will boost tourism for the country's coastal belt.

Dubrovnik was busy preparing for the"16+1" leaders' meeting, which convened heads of government from China and 16 central and eastern European countries.

The bridge's significance as a highlight of bilateral collaboration was obvious with the visiting Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and his Croatian counterpart visiting the construction site.

This year's"16+1" gathering was different as the European Commission had just passed a strategic review of relations with China, which for the first time identified China as a "systemic rival". The actions it proposed may subject Chinese investments to stricter scrutiny going forward.

But so long as things remain in the rational territory, it may actually be good for Chinese investors. Upgraded oversight may help them better understand and adapt to local conditions.

Meanwhile, Europeans may develop a better understanding of Chinese development initiatives, and see for themselves whether Chinese presence threatens or complements their economies.

Many European nations are grappling to help themselves out of what IHS Markit, the London-based global information provider, put as the worst scenario since 2014. Greece, Italy and the 16 central and eastern European nations are just the first to see the opportunities China brings.

Which certainly doesn't mean Beijing should see itself as a knight in shining armor. Instead, it must be aware of its image as a systemic alien in western eyes, which is erecting an invisible wall keeping Huawei outside of the West's major next-generation telecom markets.

Like Malaysian leader Mahathir Mohamed told Chinese national broadcaster CGTN while attending the Second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing, it takes time for people to come to terms with the idea of the Belt and Road, as was the case with his own government.

I have no personal experience of the Belt and Road. But I know the Chinese obsession with infrastructure upgrading in the country's own chase for prosperity. "Wanna get rich? Build a road first". Nothing illustrates the country's love affair with road-building better than the famous slogan from the 1980s.

Better infrastructure helps anywhere, doesn't it?

Having visited a couple Confucius Institutes, I have my own questions about the way they operate. But none on "spying".

I would need credible evidence to believe they do that.

Nor do I know much about Huawei, except its reputation for Spartan management and, of course, its supposedly iPhone-beating handsets.

Since the "spying" allegations have arisen regarding Huawei, I've been waiting curiously for proof. But nothing of substance has been forthcoming.

Each country has legitimate national security concerns. But it is another thing when they become hysterical.

Unfair as it may be, the ongoing siege of Huawei has behind it a phobia that is at once rangy and contagious. Given its deep roots in past and present stereotypes and real-world conflict of interest, finger-pointing does little except deepen estrangement.

Trust and a good name can only be earned, through fine corporate citizenship and trustworthy products.

So long as they hold true to this, Chinese companies, Huawei or not, should be confident their names will be cleared sooner or later.

The author is a senior writer of China Daily.

(China Daily Global 05/14/2019 page13)