China and Egypt: Reliable partners in a changing world

Egypt made history on May 30, 1956, when it became the first Arab and African nation to establish diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China. That landmark decision laid the foundation for seven decades of political partnership.

In his congratulatory message to Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi on the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations, Chinese President Xi Jinping described China-Egypt ties as "a model of friendship, solidarity and cooperation among developing countries, and a benchmark for collective cooperation between China and Arab and African nations".

While the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations was commemorated by both countries in May this year, relations between China and Egypt go beyond this ceremonial milestone. Egypt became a participant in the Belt and Road Initiative in its early stages, became a member of BRICS in January 2024, and is a dialogue partner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

For China, Egypt is far more than a market of over 100 million consumers. It is a strategically positioned gateway to Africa, the Middle East and Europe. The Suez Canal, through which roughly 12 percent of global seaborne trade takes place, is one of the world's most vital maritime corridors.

For Cairo, China is not only the world's second-largest economy but also Egypt's largest trading partner over the past decade. Bilateral trade exceeded $20 billion last year.

Around 3,000 Chinese-invested companies now operate in Egypt. At the heart of the Suez Canal Economic Zone, the China-Egypt TEDA Suez Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone hosts about 200 companies, with cumulative investments reaching $3.8 billion by the end of last year, creating around 10,000 direct jobs.

Importantly, Beijing offers capital, industrial expertise and technological cooperation without attaching political conditions — an approach increasingly attractive to many developing countries.

The list of shared achievements is equally impressive. Chinese-Egyptian cooperation has produced Africa's tallest skyscraper within Egypt's New Administrative Capital, the country's first electric light rail system, Egypt's transformation into the world's fourth-largest producer of fiberglass, and the first African nation capable of independently assembling and testing satellites.

The digital partnership has also expanded. Huawei alone has trained nearly 40,000 young Egyptians in telecommunications and artificial intelligence. And financial cooperation is gradually embracing the Chinese yuan.

People-to-people exchanges are deepening as well. Chinese language teaching has entered Egypt's educational system through 30 universities and more than 20 secondary schools, while joint archaeological missions continue at Karnak and Saqqara, reinforcing one of the world's oldest civilizational dialogues.

When China removed tariffs on exports from 53 African countries in May this year, the first shipment to benefit was 516 metric tons of Egyptian oranges arriving in Shanghai — a symbolic yet commercially meaningful signal of improved access to a market of 1.4 billion consumers.

Bilateral cooperation in green technologies, including technology transfer, local manufacturing capabilities and the development of domestic value chains has also deepened, though it is yet to reach its full potential.

Tourism presents another big opportunity. China generates more than 100 million outbound tourists annually, yet Egypt attracts only a marginal share despite its reputation as one of the safest and most culturally diverse destinations in the Middle East.

Increasing direct flights between major Chinese cities and Cairo, Luxor and Sharm El-Sheikh, simplifying visa procedures, and training more Chinese-speaking tour guides are practical measures that could be quickly implemented. Together, they can generate as much foreign-currency revenue as a major industrial project.

Sport is also a largely untapped frontier. China is a leading Olympic power through long-term investment in athlete development, yet China-Egypt sports cooperation remains largely symbolic. Joint academies specializing in athletics, fencing, table tennis and gymnastics, alongside Chinese investment in Egypt's sporting infrastructure, could help produce a new generation of world-class athletes.

Likewise, cooperation in the media and research sectors of the two countries remains weak. Both countries would benefit from journalist exchange programs, reciprocal translation of academic and policy research, and privately funded initiatives that strengthen intellectual dialogue between the two societies. After all, enduring international partnerships are ultimately built in the minds of peoples before they are formalized through memoranda of understanding.

On the other hand, defense cooperation has advanced steadily under Egypt's long-standing strategy of diversifying its military procurement. From the joint production of the K-8E training aircraft since 2000 to local manufacturing of unmanned aerial systems with Chinese technical assistance and joint air force exercises, military cooperation has advanced considerably.

The strategic message is clear. Cairo continues to strengthen the independence of its defense policy while maintaining constructive relations with its traditional security partners. Beijing, for its part, views Egypt as a reliable strategic partner in one of the world's most volatile regions.

Over the past 70 years, China and Egypt have built a comprehensive strategic partnership. The challenge facing the partnership's eighth decade is fundamentally different. Its future will depend less on concrete and steel than on technology, innovation, human capital and knowledge creation.

The country that was the first to recognize the People's Republic of China in the Arab and African worlds 70 years ago now has an opportunity to redefine what a truly 21st-century Global South partnership with China should look like.

The author is the director and founder of the Asia Center for Studies & Translation in Egypt, and non-resident senior research fellow at the Vienna International Institute for Middle East Studies.

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

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