Together we stand

Lau Siu-kai's new book on the principle of 'one country, two systems' is a valuable

addition to the existing literature on the subject, for making concrete suggestions toward applying the policy to HK governance with success, writes Lin Feng.

This is the most recent book by Lau Siu-kai who is a well-known scholar in Hong Kong and has published extensively on various social and political issues related to the city. In the year of the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland, it is important and also valuable to have an academic of Lau's stature examine the practice of "one country, two systems" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) and also come up with suggestions to ensure its success through judicious application of the policy.

To give interested readers an idea of what to expect in the book, I will write down a chapter-by-chapter summary here. Chapter 1 reviews both the domestic and international context against which the policy of "one country, two systems" was introduced, explaining why the process of introduction was a smooth one. Chapter 2 analyzes mainly the historical evolution, objectives as well as the contents of the policy. Chapter 3 discusses various contradictions, difficulties and insufficiencies encountered in the implementation of the policy in the last two decades. Chapter 4 examines the changes Hong Kong has seen during the transitional period as well as immediately after 1997. The analysis shows that both international and domestic situations have changed which call for a re-adjustment of HKSAR's strategic positioning. Chapter 5 argues that the HKSAR is at a critical moment in practicing the "one country, two systems" policy because the Central People's Government in Beijing and the forces who sit in the opposition in Hong Kong take very different views of the problems associated with the implementation of the policy and are now involved in a "decisive battle".

A few distinctive features of this book are worthy of highlighting. For example, the author has noted several times in the book that the policy of "one country, two systems" should not be taken for granted. He argues that the strategic significance of "one country, two systems" is to "facilitate national reunification, safeguard national territorial integrity, and maintain Hong Kong's prosperity and stability" to serve China's "national development strategy". Similar points are repeated in later chapters.

It is also noteworthy that the author has studied extensively the speeches of many officials and scholars, beginning with Deng Xiaoping, referencing these extensively in the book. In my view this book has achieved an extraordinarily significant task by outlining the position of the central government vis--vis the "one country, two systems" policy over the last 20 years, since the time of Hong Kong's return to the motherland. It's very rare to find a book written by a Hong Kong scholar who has studied so thoroughly the positions and views held by both mainland officials and scholars. For those who really want to understand the position of the central authority in Beijing, this book is highly recommended.

Throughout the book the author has reiterated that one of the pre-conditions necessary for the implementation of the "one country, two systems" policy is that Hong Kong must not be used as a "base for subversion". The concerns of the central government in this matter, says the author, are justifiable. I believe by raising the issue the author, a scholar with years of experience in the field, has served an important and kind warning to those who either have not paid sufficient attention to the issue or look for loopholes in the policy to further their own agenda.

Helpfully, the author has given concrete examples of how the policy might be implemented to the benefit of all concerned in the HKSAR. For example, in Chapter 2 he summarizes 10 important aspects of an ideal "one country, two systems" model. In Chapter 3 Lau claims that "the lack of a strong political will and determination to solve the problem" lie at the root of the many disputes in the HKSAR. It is also the reason why the mechanism for "clarifying doubts and resolving disputes" failed to perform its role. In Chapter 4 he opines that HKSAR's strategic value to the country will rise with correct positioning and the practice of "one country, two systems" may receive a new impetus when that happens. He further suggests that "Hong Kong can elevate its international status if it develops itself into a hub of Asia, serving the interests of the economic integration in Asia and the economic ties between Asia and Europe". In Chapter 5 the author states that "the most ideal situation is that the opposition activists and the people who love China" lessen their disputes and enhance mutual trust by cooperation on the practical issues, so as to remove the obstacles for effective HKSAR governance, and move toward Hong Kong's democratic development with even greater energy. These are valuable observations everyone who cares for Hong Kong should pay attention to.

Reading this book was an enjoyable experience. Although I am familiar with many issues discussed in the book, Lau's analysis of "one country, two systems" from sociological and political angles provide a perspective that's different from the doctrinal legal analysis which I am familiar with. I think the book should be read by at least three groups of readers: scholars and students studying law, politics, public administration and sociology; those holding government offices in the HKSAR and politicians in both the pro-establishment as well as the opposition camps. Regardless of whether or not you agree with the author, I am sure reading the book will add to your knowledge of the "one country, two systems" policy and its application in the Hong Kong scenario.

The reviewer is associate dean and professor, director of the Centre for Judicial Education and Research at City University of Hong Kong.

(HK Edition 08/25/2017 page10)