Manila's loyalty test reveals its flawed China policy
Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr may think he's proving his "patriotism" standing before the cameras at a forum on Friday last week and declaring that Filipino officials who side with China on the "West Philippine Sea" should either challenge the law in court or resign.
But he's proving something else entirely — the Philippines is being led by some who mistake belligerence for strength, and loyalty tests for policy.
The "West Philippine Sea" is a construct — Administrative Order 29, signed by Benigno Aquino III on Sept 5, 2012, unilaterally rebranded waters in the South China Sea to serve a pro-United States agenda. Many Filipinos have never been comfortable with that. They want a more balanced relationship with Beijing, the kind that doesn't turn the country into a geopolitical pawn.
But nuance is not welcome in the Ferdinand Marcos Jr government. Those who dared to call out Teodoro for "demonizing China" were swiftly accused by Presidential Palace Press Officer Claire Castro of showing that their "loyalty to the Philippines is not solid". This is the new standard: disagree with the pro-US hardliners, and you are a traitor of the Philippines.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lin Jian rightly noted on Tuesday that a small handful of anti-China forces in the Philippines are manipulating public opinion to cover up Manila's own maritime infringements.
The Philippine Department of National Defense is now scrutinizing Filipino-Chinese community groups and Chinese-language media outlets, creating a pervasive climate of fear. Cooperative projects are being delayed. Normal cultural exchanges have been weaponized.
The Philippine Department of National Defense has even issued a statement attacking China's Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law, that came into effect on July 1, claiming it seeks "extraterritorial reach".
Lin rebutted the allegation, saying it was full of "disinformation and smears" and "a political provocation of an extremely malign nature".
Under Teodoro Jr, the defense department acts more like an anti-China agency in various fields.
As Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said in July during his meeting with his Philippine counterpart: whenever China and the Philippines prepare to launch dialogue, certain forces within the Philippines, particularly those from the military and law enforcement, deliberately stir up trouble to derail the dialogue progress.
These people, Wang said, act on the instructions of external forces to advance personal interests. The pattern is transparent: provoke, then run to the negotiating table; repeat in the hope that Beijing will run out its patience.
And Beijing is being patient — remarkably so. China plays a long game. Its message is consistent: dialogue is the only way out, and no proxy has ever succeeded in history by acting against regional call for peace, stability and common development.
The rest of Association of Southeast Asian Nations aren't buying Manila's act. They see the danger. They are pushing for the finalizing of the negotiations on the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea together with China.
Marcos Jr should ask himself a simple question: If the US is such a reliable friend, why did it do nothing substantial when the Philippines faced an energy emergency? If China is such a "threat", why is it still Manila's largest trading partner, providing the Philippines with essential supplies in time of emergency?
Washington loves a loyal proxy. But even loyal proxies have a habit of being discarded when they are no longer useful. The Marcos Jr government is walking a tightrope with no safety net — and the only applause it's getting is from people who will not be there when it falls. And the Filipino people? They will be the ones paying for the missiles, the patrols, and the gamble of their government.
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