http://online.wsj.com/public/article/SB115394082339718119-STq2rjQdueAQNL25SsVyJ3ApMEk_20060802.html?mod=regionallinks
MOSCOW -- Riding high after a testy Group of Eight summit at which Moscow
asserted its independence from Washington, Russian President Vladimir Putin
today is expected to sign a deal valued at more than $1 billion to provide
Venezuela with advanced fighter aircraft and Kalashnikov assault rifles despite
U.S. objections.
Venezuelan President Hugo Ch¨˘vez has been a thorn in the side of the Bush
administration, and the high-level meetings he has secured in Russia and Belarus
are being closely watched in Washington for signs of how far the Kremlin plans
to stray from the West as relations between them grow chillier. Mr. Ch¨˘vez's
visit is part of a world tour to gather allies for a geopolitical counterbalance
to the U.S. and to rally support for his bid to secure a nonpermanent seat for
Caracas on the United Nations Security Council.
The arms deal appears to be a move by Mr. Ch¨˘vez to keep his military
commanders fat and happy as he vies for regional leadership in Latin America.
During his presidency, the Venezuelan navy and air force in particular have been
starved for new equipment because Mr. Ch¨˘vez doesn't trust the officers in those
services.
Russia's expanding ties with Venezuela are the latest example of a new
assertiveness in Kremlin foreign policy, driven by growing frustration with what
Moscow sees as U.S. high-handedness around the world and by Russia's oil-fueled
economic recovery. Moscow has cultivated ties with China and sought to forge its
own line in the Middle East, restoring Soviet-era relations to regimes at odds
with the U.S. such as Syria.
Moscow sees little prospect for a military or strategic alliance with Mr.
Ch¨˘vez, but the timing of his visit was meant to send a message to Washington,
said Vyacheslav Nikonov, head of the Moscow-based Fond Politika think tank whose
views often conform to the Kremlin's. "Russia is not interested in some kind of
anti-American alliance," he said.
The Kremlin feels the U.S. is propping up governments of former Soviet states
close to its borders that are now hostile to Moscow. Shortly before Russia
hosted the G-8 conference of leading nations in St. Petersburg, the Bush
administration invited Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili to Washington,
which the Kremlin took as a slap because of Mr. Saakashvili's pro-West views.
Mr. Nikonov said the Venezuelan president, a strident leftist populist, was
invited to Moscow as a response.
"It was quid pro quo," Mr. Nikonov said. "The Americans may not like Ch¨˘vez,
but Russia feels exactly the same as the Americans do about Saakashvili."
State television followed Mr. Ch¨˘vez closely as he toured Russia's industrial
heartland and praised its munitions industry. He observed local customs by
drinking a shot of vodka balanced on a Cossack's sword and visited a factory
making Kalashnikov rifles, which he called "the standard for the armed forces of
Venezuela."
In Belarus, he praised the authoritarian government of President Alexander
Lukashenko, and pledged to find ways to increase trade between the countries.
While the Kremlin hasn't responded to calls by Mr. Ch¨˘vez for a geopolitical
alliance, it has shown interest in his appetite for weaponry. Before Mr.
Ch¨˘vez's arrival, Russia's Foreign Ministry stressed that talks would focus on
economic and trade relations, though a spokesman noted that the two countries
did largely agree on international issues, and that Russia did favor "well
balanced reforms" at the U.N.
Rising antagonism toward Washington in both countries was a catalyst for the
arms deal. The U.S. in May slapped a weapons ban on Venezuela, with which many
countries have been obligated to fall in line. Mr. Ch¨˘vez responded by saying he
would restock his air force with Russian planes and sell Venezuela's aging
inventory of U.S.-built fighter aircraft to Iran.
The contract to be signed includes the sale of 30 helicopters and 30 Sukhoi
Su-30 fighter aircraft. Mr. Ch¨˘vez said he also acquired a license to make
Kalashnikov assault rifles and ammunition in Venezuela.
"We are breaking the U.S. blockade that was aimed at disarming Venezuela,"
Mr. Ch¨˘vez said in comments broadcast on state-run television in Venezuela. "We
are not going to attack anyone, but nobody should make a mistake with us."
The Kremlin brushed off U.S. objections to the sale of 100,000 Kalashnikovs
to Caracas last year. Though the U.S. argued this week that Venezuela's purchase
of Su-30s -- advanced fighter jets that costs $30 million to $45 million each --
will destabilize the region, Russia's defense minister responded that a
cancellation is out of the question. Its Foreign Ministry said military
cooperation with Venezuela is "in strict compliance" with Moscow's international
obligations.
The aircraft purchases wouldn't affect the region in the near term because
the Russian jets require enormous amounts of maintenance and training -- and the
Venezuelan military is notoriously lax at upkeep, said John Cope, an expert on
Latin American militaries at the Institute for National Strategic Studies in
Washington.
The Kalashnikovs could pose a bigger problem. Officials in neighboring
Colombia worry the weapons and ammunition Venezuela will be licensed to make
will find their way to guerrillas in the 16,000-strong Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia, worsening that country's decades-long civil war.
The Kremlin's worsening relations with Washington may have helped Mr. Ch¨˘vez
acquire higher-quality merchandise. The Venezuelan leader had long hoped to buy
Sukhoi fighter aircraft from Russia, but Moscow had refrained in recent years
because they were deemed to be too advanced and objectionable to the U.S.
"Two or three years ago it wasn't possible to even talk about a sale of this
kind," said Ruslan Pukhov, director of the Center for Analysis of Strategies and
Technologies, an independent Moscow-based think tank that monitors the defense
industry. "The atmosphere has changed."