By Huang Jiashu (China Daily)
Updated: 2007-11-09 07:08

The current generation of the central leadership has demonstrated how much importance it places on the value, status and function of peace since Hu Jintao assumed the post of general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and emphasized the concept of a harmonious world order based on "peace and development as the main theme in today's world".

This guiding thought was reflected in Hu's joint statements with visiting Taiwan political party leaders Lien Chan and James Soong in 2005, when they offered to "build up a framework for peaceful and stable development across the Taiwan Straits".

Many comments have been made about the specific content of this framework since its inception. The ideas raised include a military mutual-confidence mechanism between the two sides; the establishment of a cross-Straits economic cooperation mechanism, a free trade zone or common market; the establishment of an exchange mechanism between political parties on both sides of the Taiwan Straits and one for meetings and talks between leaders of the two sides.

Hu reiterated in his report to the 17th National Congress of the CPC last month that the Party "will never abandon our efforts to achieve peaceful reunification" and emphasized that "with a firm grasp of the theme of peaceful development of cross-Straits relations, we will sincerely work for the well-being of our compatriots on both sides of the Straits and for peace in the Taiwan Straits region". And: "We will make every effort to achieve anything that serves the interests of our Taiwan compatriots, contributes to the maintenance of peace in the Taiwan Straits region and facilitates peaceful national reunification."

He also appealed to all political parties in Taiwan: "On the basis of the one-China principle, let us discuss a formal end to the state of hostility between the two sides, reach a peace agreement, construct a framework for peaceful development of cross-Straits relations and thus usher in a new phase of peaceful development."

A peace agreement must be reached on the basis of the one-China principle. There are three different ways, which are inherently connected but each with its own emphasis, to define the one-China principle: identifying with the government, identifying with the territory and identifying with the nation.

Identifying with the government emphasizes the connection between sovereignty and government, such as "the government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legitimate government of China"; while identifying with the territory stresses the connection between the territory and sovereignty, such as "Taiwan is an inseparable part of China's territory" and "both Taiwan and the mainland belong to one and the same China".

In recent years, General Secretary Hu's speeches and important (central government) announcements about Taiwan have touched on the concept of identifying with the nation, such as: "sons and daughters of China on both sides of the Taiwan Straits"; "Taiwan and the mainland are the common homeland of Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits"; and "All matters related to China's sovereignty and territorial integrity must be decided by the whole Chinese nation."

In his political report to the 17th National Congress of the CPC, Hu said: "The 1.3 billion people on the mainland and the 23 million people in Taiwan are of the same blood and share a common destiny"; "China is the common homeland of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Straits, who have every reason to safeguard and develop this homeland"; and "All matters related to China's sovereignty and territorial integrity must be decided by the whole Chinese nation." This is the definition of the One-China principle from a "people-oriented" point of view.

The expressions of the idea of identifying with the nation listed above have four advantages:

First, they are closer to the contemporary democratic belief that "the people are the masters of the country and national sovereignty belongs to the whole nation".

Second, they go beyond the dispute between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits over a government's representativeness and which side holds the territorial sovereignty, and creates more flexible space for the two sides to reach a consensus on the one-China issue.

Third, they express more humanitarian concern and sentiment. Consider the phrases "common destiny" and "common homeland", which remind us that compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Straits are of the same blood and cultural heritage. They also reflect on the lives and development of more than 1 million Taiwanese business people operating on the mainland; and, in terms of the future, they paint a beautiful picture of people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits pursuing peace, development and prosperity together.

Fourth, it is easier to win understanding and support from the international community.

The day after Hu delivered his report, a White House spokesman said the United States had noted President Hu's mildly worded comments on cross-Straits relations and that US officials think China is moving in the right direction of pursuing peace. The United States also agrees that the Taiwan issue must be resolved by all people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits through communication and dialogue.

Many commentators believe that when he said "all matters related to China's national sovereignty and territorial integrity must be decided by the whole Chinese nation, including compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Straits", Hu was sending a warning to the secessionist movement in Taiwan that is attempting to push for "constitutional independence" through a referendum. In other words, the mainland of the motherland will never accept any change of the status quo by unilateral steps in Taiwan.

And I think one more implication can be drawn out of this statement: that the mainland will naturally not oppose referendums that are not related to China's national sovereignty and territorial integrity, such as one over a political party's assets or on anti-graft and anti-corruption issues.

The mainland is against secessionism, not democracy.

To me, the most memorable part of Hu's political report was the sense of vision - a broadmindedness that accommodates different views. The chapter in the report that deals with the Taiwan issue is not very long, but I counted seven places in which words like "common" were used. Apart from "common destiny", "common homeland" and "common decision (...decided by the whole Chinese nation)", one also finds "...to resolve the Taiwan question and achieve complete national reunification is a common aspiration of all sons and daughters of the Chinese nation"; "the compatriots on both sides of the Straits need to ... work together for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation; "the compatriots on both sides need to work together to oppose and contain secessionist activities (such as 'Taiwan independence')"; and "with close solidarity and concerted efforts of all Chinese people at home and overseas, the complete reunification of the motherland will surely be achieved".

This was probably the first time the word "common" had been used so many times in such an important political document.

Together, the many uses of the word "common" tell us Beijing's design for cross-Straits relations in the future has been constructed with win-win outcomes in mind. As far as the mainland side's ideas about policy adjustments go, seeking to reach a peace agreement means we are not in a hurry to achieve political reunification.

This is a concrete example of the new policy thinking that says: "Keep pushing for reunification despite repeated delays." It shows the mainland side now understands the public sentiment in Taiwan better, has more patience for resolving the Taiwan issue, is more sincere about reaching compromises and has more tolerance for the other side.

The author is a professor with the Renmin University of China

(China Daily 11/09/2007 page10)