The white paper released by the State Council last week is a milestone as far as Hong Kong's constitutional development is concerned. This is the first time the central government has addressed important issues encountered in the implementation of the "One Country, Two systems" policy over the past 17 years. One of these is the role of foreign forces in Hong Kong's constitutional reform process. This is highly controversial and poses a significant threat to Hong Kong's prosperity and stability as well as China's national security.

The white paper is available in several foreign languages, including English, French, German, Russian, Japanese, Spanish and Arabic. It is not just for the Chinese communities around the world but for many other people to read as well. Its intention is profound: The central government does not want to, and will not interfere, in affairs that fall under the SAR's autonomy - unless it has to. But that does not mean it will sit back and allow Hong Kong to become a base for Western powers intent on subverting the political system on the mainland. The white paper concludes with a warning: "Meanwhile, it is necessary to stay alert to the attempt of outside forces to use Hong Kong to interfere in China's domestic affairs, and prevent and repel the attempt made by a very small number of people who act in collusion with outside forces to interfere with the implementation of 'One Country, Two Systems' in Hong Kong."

Understanding this part of the white paper is very important. Concern about meddling from outside forces in Hong Kong's constitutional affairs is not being paranoid - it is actually happening. There have been numerous examples of such acts in Hong Kong's history. As a British colony for more than 150 years, Hong Kong was given the nickname "Casablanca of the East" long before the founding of the People's Republic of China. For decades it has been, and still is, home to many spies working for a range of foreign interests.

Ng Hong-man, a celebrated patriot, published an article on this some years ago. This was to remind people of Britain's extensive network of proxies in Hong Kong. He also claimed that many British government officials served in the spy agency MI6. They frequently traveled to and from Hong Kong after the handover, sometimes as corporate executives.

If the influence of the British in Hong Kong has declined, there is no doubt the United States is still expanding its presence in the city. Indeed, Hong Kong has been considered by many Western governments as a de-facto exclave at China's doorstep. Now the world's sole superpower has "returned to Asia". The US consulate-general in Central will only get busier as Washington steps up its meddling in Hong Kong affairs in the years to come. The secrets exposed by WikiLeaks, and more recently by former National Security Agency analyst Edward Snowden, only represent the "tip of the iceberg" as far as US spying on China through Hong Kong is concerned.

More recent examples include an April pilgrimage, by leading opposition politicians Anson Chan and Martin Lee, to the US capital. There, they met US Vice-President Joe Biden "by accident" and discussed Hong Kong's constitutional reforms. In early May, US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel R. Russel invited leaders of the Democratic Party, Civic Party and Labour Party in Hong Kong for a meeting to discuss constitutional reform. Alan Leong of the Civic Party went so far as to say "Hong Kong with true democracy suits America's best interests". In late May five opposition lawmakers were invited to the British consulate-general to breakfast with Caroline Wilson, the British consul-general to Hong Kong.

Apparently it is never hard for opposition politicians to show up when their foreign sponsors call. But it was not so easy when Zhang Xiaoming, director of the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the HKSAR invited six opposition lawmakers for talks earlier this year. They turned it down due to its sensitive location. This attitude defies common sense.

Because political wrangling over universal suffrage in Hong Kong is so intense, Beijing has reportedly categorized Hong Kong's discussions over constitutional reform as a battle over the governance of the territory instead of a political debate. The upcoming 2017 election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage will be a campaign for the central government to defend its sovereign rule over Hong Kong.

Zhou Nan, former director of the Hong Kong office of Xinhua News Agency prior to the handover, told reporters that the illegality of "Occupy Central" was proof that local and overseas forces, who are anti-China, have joined together to seize power in Hong Kong. The central issue in Hong Kong is no longer "true" or "fake" democracy or technical details about electoral systems. Instead, it is a political contest between China and Western powers, who pose a direct threat to China's sovereign rule over Hong Kong and its national security. Zhou believes the opposition camp hopes to seize power legally with as much help as possible from outside forces.

It is no secret that certain political organizations in Hong Kong, such as Hong Kong 2020 founded and headed by Anson Chan, have many links to outside forces. Even the "Occupy Central" movement is receiving large donations from overseas. With national security legislation still blocked by the opposition, the central government has to be more vigilant about interference by foreign governments in Hong Kong's internal affairs.

Whether someone opposed to the central government should run for Chief Executive (CE) is one of the most divisive issues in Hong Kong today. This is because the post of CE represents the central government's jurisdiction over Hong Kong. If a candidate wins the CE Election by universal suffrage on an anti-Beijing platform in 2017, the SAR may attract more anti-China forces. It could become a place where more Sinophobic foreign politicians can express their bigoted views. The turmoil triggered by this will plunge Hong Kong into a political, economic and social crisis.

The author is a veteran current affairs commentator.

(HK Edition 06/19/2014 page9)