Japanese diplomacy has led to isolation in Asia
Weng HansongChina Daily  Updated: 2005-12-15 06:25

Japanese diplomacy has made an obvious and provocative turn this year, moving away from the relatively neutral and obliging approach that had characterized foreign relations for quite some time.

Since the end of World War II, Japanese-US relations have enjoyed top priority, overriding everything else. But at the same time, Japanese governments over the last few decades have managed to realize continuity and stability in relations with neighbouring countries. Diplomacy has often served to help promote economic exchanges with other countries.

But this seems to have changed.

While embracing the United States more closely than ever and using Washington for its own purposes, Japan seems to have been trying every means possible to provoke and offend its Asian neighbours.

Japan presented territorial claims or claims for exclusive economic zones to Russia, the Republic of Korea and China almost simultaneously, demonstrating a sizeable appetite and commandeering attitude. This kind of uncharacteristic diplomatic move served only to make situations in the Asia-Pacific region more complicated, bringing uncertainty to future economic development in the region.

Geopolitical factors and calculations are behind abrupt changes in Japanese diplomacy.

During the second Clinton administration, the United States hammered out policies to encourage Japan to expand its role in Asia. George W. Bush has seen to it that this policy is continued. This approach was strengthened after the September 11 incident.

As for Japan, it readjusted its global strategy after economic bubbles burst, seeing the wide gap between itself and the United States. Tokyo therefore modified its bigger ambitions and became bent on playing a predominant role in Asia instead. From that time on, Japanese diplomacy has been manoeuvring to achieve that goal, which culminated in its excessively pushy moves in 2005.

This offensiveness has found expression in the following phenomena.

First, whitewashing its aggression in Asian countries during World War II and before.

While people the world over were celebrating the 60th anniversary of World War II victory, the voice of negating Japan's aggression became louder within that country. This was echoed by Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine where some World War II criminals' memorial tablets are housed. Besides, the Japanese rightists tried to sell the outlook of a "self-defence war" and claimed the Nanjing Massacre and Asian "comfort women" did not exist.

Second, setting about altering basic national policy.

Some elements inside Japan have been trying to revise the country's peaceful constitution, which was enacted shortly after World War II. But this year, things have come to an important historical crossroads. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) passed a draft for constitution revision, which shows the "constitution revision" procedure has been set in motion.

The core of the LDP's constitution-revision draft is eliminating the second entry under Clause II, which states that Japan does not possess regular military services.

The draft goes on to suggest Japan's Self-Defence Forces be elevated to an army and the Defence Agency be upgraded to a ministry.

If all this becomes reality, unpredictable changes are in store for other countries in their dealing with Japan in military, political and diplomatic terms. In what way Japan will play the role of a big country has become a big question mark, behind which lurk many complex and tricky problems.

Third, elevating the Japanese-US military alliance, supporting US troops in combat and strengthening overseas military activities.

In October, Japan signed with the United States a military co-operation accord, which, obviously targeting the third party, lists a number of specific measures to be implemented.

Japan, for example, is planning to move its air defence command to Yokota Airbase where the US fifth air force command is headquartered so Japanese and US air operations will be more closely co-ordinated.

The two countries have also agreed to share their military facilities inside and outside Japan. As a matter of fact, 12 Japanese military aircraft exited Japan's airspace in July and carried out live-ammunition bombardment exercises in the sensitive Guam area, with US warplanes.

These beyond-border long-distance offensive air operations have put many on alert because Japan's constitution confines the country's military operations to purely self-defence and prohibits any offensive war capabilities.

Fourth, sabotaging normal economic co-operation among other countries by employing indecent means, with China as the chief target.

Having lured Russia to abandon the Angarsk-Daqing oil pipeline project, which would have channelled Russian oil to China, Japan was delinquent in delivering promised loans and investment, letting Russia swallow a bitter pill. Although Russia strengthened its co-operation with China in this regard in 2005, much time and capital had been spent for nothing on the part of China.

Examples of Japanese indecency are found in other cases.

Fifth, adopting pushy and confrontational attitudes on such matters as territory, territorial waters and exclusive economic zones.

The presence of Japanese warships near Dokdo Island, which Japan calls Takeshima Island, has doubled since the beginning of 2005. And 3,500-ton cruisers were first committed to patrols.

China's East China Sea oil and gas wells are located on the Chinese side of the dividing line, which was drawn by Japan unilaterally. Despite all this, however, Japan rudely asked China to stop operations within the area, hinting at force.

Japan's territorial claim for Russian soil goes not only beyond the southern Kuril Islands but beyond the Kuril Islands as a whole.

Japan's provocative moves serve only to heighten tensions in the Asia-Pacific region, against the big picture of tensions in Asia as a whole the Korean Peninsula, Iran nuclear stand-off and so on.

Japan itself has paid for its abnormal diplomatic manoeuvres. It is becoming increasingly isolated from Asian countries, which is evidenced by its failure to become a permanent member of the United Nations' Security Council. Its extensive lobbying and canvassing activities among Asian and African nations have amounted to little.

Another example is that Russian President Vladimir Putin's Japan visit was postponed again and again.

The year 2005 is a year of abnormal diplomatic moves and also a year of setbacks for Japan's Asia diplomacy.

The author is a researcher at the China Institute for International Strategic Studies

(China Daily 12/15/2005 page4)

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